by
Damien F. Mackey
Esther
10:3
With the assistance of a significantly revised Neo-Babylonian
dynasty through to the early Medo-Persian period, I have been able historically
to identify the wicked King Belshazzar of Daniel 5 as King Evil-Merodach, son
of Nebuchednezzar II ‘the Great’, and the un-named second ruler in Belshazzar’s
kingdom as Jehoiachin (or Coniah), whom Evil-Merodach had exalted over the
other princes in Babylon (2 Kings 25:27-30).
These are all historically verifiable kings.
Now, if Jehoiachin (Coniah) is also, as I have identified him:
Haman
un-masked
then that leads us into the Book of Esther, and to Mordecai,
who, with Queen Esther herself, would expose the machinations of Haman.
Is there any evidence that this Mordecai, too, was a real
historical person?
There may be. David J. Clines, in his article “The Quest for
the Historical Mordecai” (https://www.academia.edu/2454296/The_Quest_for_the_Historical_Mordecai),
writes of one “Marduka” in Susa during the Persian period whom various scholars
have considered as a possible candidate for Mordecai. I am interested here in
what Clines writes about these various opinions, since Clines himself seems
pre-disposed to dismiss the Book of Esther as merely “a romance”:
…. it appears to be necessary to insist
that evidence for a Persian official at Susa named Marduka, if that is really
what we have, is next to useless in any debate about a historical Mordecai. For
if on other grounds it seems probable that the book of Esther is a romance
and not a historical record, it is quite irrelevant to the larger question
of the historicity of the writing to discover that one of its characters
bears a name attested for a historical person. Fictitious characters usually
do. ….
Clines tells of these other estimations of Marduka:
In the standard works, commentaries,
encyclopaedias and monographs, wherever the historicity of the Book of Esther
is discussed, there is usually to be found some reference to the possible
extra-biblical evidence for Mordecai. Here is an extract from a typical
encyclopaedia article in The Interpreter’s Dictionary of the Bible:
Reference must be made to a single undated
cuneiform document from the Persian period, found at Borsippa, which refers to
a certain Marduka who was a finance officer of some sort in the Persian court at
Susa during the reign of Xerxes I. While a connection between such an
individual and the Mordecai of the book of Esther is in no sense established,
the possibility of such a historical event as is related in Esther cannot be
dismissed out of hand. ….
Carey A. Moore, the author of the Anchor
Bible commentary on Esther, is a little more positive about the implications of
the reference to Marduka. This official, who ‘served as an accountant on an
inspection tour from Susa’, could be, he suggests, ‘the biblical Mordecai
because, in all likelihood, Mordecai was an official of the king prior to his
being invested in [Est.] 8.2 with the powers previously conferred on Haman’. To
Moore, ‘at first glance all of this seems rather persuasive, if not conclusive’.
While he is indeed careful to point out the uncertainties that surround the
identification of Marduka with Mordecai, he nevertheless concludes that
since the epigraphic evidence concerning
Marduka certainly prevents us from categorically ruling out as pure fiction the
Mordecai episodes in the Book of Esther, it is safest for us to conclude that
the story of Mo[r]decai may very well have to it a kernel of truth. ….
Robert Gordis, rather more boldly, appears
to have no reservations whatever about the identification of Mordecai with
Marduka.
For him, the attestation of the names
Marduka and Mrdk … is ‘the strongest support thus far for the historical character
of the book’. …. He writes:
A Persian text dating from the last years
of Darius I or the early years of Xerxes I mentions a government official
in Susa named Marduka, who served as an inspector on an official tour … [T]he
phrase yōšēb bĕša‘ar hammelekh, ‘sitting in the king’s
gate,’ which is applied to Mordecai repeatedly in the book, indicates his role
as a judge or a minor official in the Persian court before his elevation to the
viziership.
The conclusion to be drawn is rather
obvious:
That there were two officials with the same
name at the same time in the same place is scarcely likely. ….
From Edwin M. Yamauchi we even gain the
impression that the identification of Marduka with Mordecai has now become the
consensus scholarly view:
Mardukâ is listed as a sipîr (‘an accountant’) who
makes an inspection tour of Susa during the last years of Darius or early years
of Xerxes. It is Ungnad’s conviction that ‘it is improbable that there were two
Mardukas serving as high officials in Susa.’ He therefore concludes that this
individual is none other than Esther’s uncle. This conclusion has been widely
accepted. ….
Siegfried H. Horn
concurs:
The result of this disco[c]very has been a
more favorable attitude toward the historicity of the book of Esther in recent
years, as attested by several Bible dictionaries and commentaries published
during the last decade. ….
So secure is the identification of Mordecai
with Marduka in his eyes that he can even invite us to reconstruct the personal
history of Mordecai on the basis of what we know about Marduka:
It is quite obvious that Mordecai, before
he became gatekeeper of the palace, must already have had a history of civil
service in which he had proved himself to be a trusted official … the trusted
councillor of [t]he mighty satrap Uštannu, whom he accompanied on his official
journeys.
Since my re-setting of Mordecai’s engagement with Haman has it
occurring far earlier than the standard time for it, in the reign of “Xerxes”
(C5th BC) - and nearer to the return from Captivity - it thus becomes necessary
to demonstrate a compatible revised chronology of Marduka.
Now there
was a man that dwelt in Babylon, and his name was Joakim: And he took a wife
whose name was Susanna, the daughter of Hilkiah, a very beautiful woman, and
one that feared God. For her parents being just, had instructed their daughter
according to the Law of Moses. Now Joakim was very rich, and had an orchard
near his house: and the Jews resorted to him, because he was the most
honourable of them all.
Daniel 13:1-4
When in the process of searching for
greater information about Mordecai in the Bible it occurred to me that a
possible candidate for him might be Joakim the well-respected husband of
Susanna. Admittedly, I have very little to go on here, considering the brevity
of the information provided about Joakim in the Story of Susanna.
- Joakim was apparently a Jew, as was Mordecai (Esther 2:5): “Now in the citadel of Susa there lived a Jew called Mordecai son of Jair, son of Shimei, son of Kish, of the tribe of Benjamin …”, and a man of great standing.
- Joakim, as “a man that dwelt in Babylon”, was apparently also of the Babylonian Captivity, as was Mordecai (2:6), “who had been deported from Jerusalem among the captives taken away with Jeconiah king of Judah by Nebuchadnezzar king of Babylon”.
- Joakim was a contemporary of a young Daniel, who figures prominently in the Story of Susanna (Daniel 13:45). Mordecai was taken into captivity about a decade after Daniel had been, “In the third year of the reign of Jehoiakim king of Judah” (Daniel 1:1).
{That does make for a very tight chronology for
Daniel, though, who was apparently still “a young boy”, or a “young youth”, or
“young man”, in the Story of Susanna}.
- Joakim “was very rich”. Mordecai, according to The Legends of the Jews (V. 4), “became a wealthy man”.
- Joakim, since his house was used for “matters of judgment” (Daniel 13:6), may himself have been a judge, as we found was likely the case with Marduka (= Mordecai?).
- Joakim is a figure very much in the background in the Story of Susanna, in which young Daniel comes to the fore. And Mordecai, too, tended to work quietly behind the scenes, advising his niece, Queen Esther, whilst Haman and King Ahasuerus will take centre stage.
- Joakim was well respected by many amongst the Jews, he being “the most honourable of them all”. And this we read similarly about Mordecai (Esther 10:1-3):
King Xerxes
imposed tribute throughout the empire, to its distant shores. And all his acts of power and might, together with a full account of
the greatness of Mordecai, whom the king had promoted, are they not written in
the book of the annals of the kings of Media and Persia? Mordecai the Jew was second in rank to King Xerxes, preeminent among the Jews, and held in high
esteem by his many fellow Jews, because he worked for the good of his people
and spoke up for the welfare of all the Jews.
“The Talmud says that
this must be a euphemism, since wives,
not daughters, sleep
in men’s “bosoms”.”
Following on my identification of the
well-respected Jew in Babylon, Joakim, with the Jew, Mordecai, and his wife
Susanna, with Esther, I find further Jewish testimony in favour of Mordecai as
the husband of Queen Esther. Thus, for instance, professor B. Barry Levy has
written (http://thetorah.com/what-was-esthers-relationship-to-mordechai/):
What was
Esther’s Relationship
to Mordechai?
to Mordechai?
Biblical,
Traditional, and Not-So-Traditional Interpretations
What was the biological relationship between Esther
and Mordechai? Were they cousins or uncle and niece? And was
Mordechai Esther’s adoptive father or even her husband?
The Biblical Evidence: Cousins and
Adoptive Father
The
biblical text is straightforward (Esth 2:7):
אסתר ב:ז וַיְהִ֨י אֹמֵ֜ן
אֶת־הֲדַסָּ֗ה הִ֤יא אֶסְתֵּר֙ בַּת־דֹּד֔וֹ כִּ֛י אֵ֥ין לָ֖הּ אָ֣ב וָאֵ֑ם
וְהַנַּעֲרָ֤ה יְפַת־תֹּ֙אַר֙ וְטוֹבַ֣ת מַרְאֶ֔ה וּבְמ֤וֹת אָבִ֙יהָ֙
וְאִמָּ֔הּ לְקָחָ֧הּ מָרְדֳּכַ֛י ל֖וֹ לְבַֽת:
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Esther 2:7 He (=Mordechai) was foster father to
Hadassah—that is, Esther—his uncle’s daughter, for she had neither father nor
mother. The maiden was shapely and beautiful; and when her father and mother
died, Mordechai adopted her as his own daughter.
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According
to the Megillah, Esther is the daughter of Mordechai’s uncle, and thus,
Esther and Mordechai are first cousins. When she was orphaned, Mordechai
adopted her. Ostensibly, that should close the matter, but as almost anyone who
has visited a school at Purim time (or has discussed the matter with his
children or grandchildren) knows, it is not that simple.
Mordechai as Esther’s Husband
תנא משום רבי מאיר: אל תקרי לבת אלא לבית.
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A Tanna taught in the name of R.
Meir: “Read not ‘for a daughter’ [le-bat], but ‘for a house’ [le-bayit].”
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וכן הוא אומר ולרש אין כל כי אם כבשה אחת קטנה אשר קנה
ויחיה ותגדל עמו ועם בניו יחדו מפתו תאכל ומכסו תשתה ובחיקו תשכב ותהי לו כבת.
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Similarly, it says: But the poor man
had nothing save one little ewe lamb, which he had brought up and reared; and
it grew up together with him, and with his children; it did eat of his own
morsel, and drank of his own cup, and lay in his bosom, and was unto him as a
daughter.
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משום דבחיקו תשכב הוות ליה (לבת) [כבת]? אלא (לבית)
[כבית] – הכי נמי לבית.
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Because it lay in his bosom, was it
like a daughter to him? Rather what it means is like a wife; so here, it
means a wife.
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The
Talmud presents a two-step argument.
A. The term bat is understood as bayyit,
which often carries the meaning “wife” in rabbinic exegesis. In fact, a common
word for “wife” in the Talmud’s Aramaic is “דביתהו,” meaning “of his house.” The second generation Amora Yossi ben
Chalafta, actually sites this as “good practice” (Ruth Rabba, parasha 2):
א”ר יוסי בן חלפתא מימי לא קריתי לאשתי אשתי ולביתי ביתי
אלא לאשתי ביתי ולביתי אשתי
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R. Yossi ben Chalfta said: “Never in
my life have I referred to my wife as ‘my wife’ or my house as ‘my house.’
Rather, [I always refer to] my wife as ‘my house’ and my house as ‘my wife.’”
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B. To support this reading, the Talmud sites
Nathan’s parable of the poor man with his pet sheep, which he allowed to sleep
in his “bosom” and treated like a “daughter.” The Talmud says that this must be
a euphemism, since wives, not daughters, sleep in men’s “bosoms.” Hence we see
that the word בת can refer to a wife.
A
Linguistic Buttressing of the Midrash
Rabbi Meir presents us with an al tiqre-style midrash, which substitutes one word for a similar-sounding biblical one.
Rabbi Meir presents us with an al tiqre-style midrash, which substitutes one word for a similar-sounding biblical one.
True,
the words bat and bayyit don’t sound all that alike, but it may
be that a phonetic variant is at work undergirding this midrash. Specifically,
certain pieces of evidence point us to the probability that in many dialects of
Hebrew (and Aramaic) the yod was actually pronounced more like the
glottal stop (a slight throat click) of an aleph than as an English Y.
- Biblical proper names beginning with the letter yod were often rendered in other languages as if they began with aleph, suggesting that that is how they were actually pronounced. A good example is Yisra’el, transcribed as Isra’el in Greek, Syriac, Arabic, and other languages.[2]
- Ancient Samarian ostraca spell “wine” as ין, not יין, though the Greek cognate oinos may be evidence of the yod’s presence.[3]
- In various targumim we also find third-person imperfect verb forms that are spelled with initial aleph, not the expected yod.[4]
- Mishnah Baba Qama 1:1 states כל שחבתי בשמירתו… as opposed to כל שחייבתי. The Talmud (b. BQ 6a) suggests that the tanna was a Jerusalemite and therefore spoke with a clipped yod.[5]Thus, bat and bayyit may have been phonetically equivalent to the authors of the midrash, perhaps even sounding identical. Thus, to a listener, Mordechai taking Esther le-bat could have carried either or both of these meanings.[6]Mordechai as Esther’s UncleNo traditional rabbinic text claims that Mordechai was Esther’s uncle, but the idea has both popular currency[7] and support in early texts. The earliest source for this may be Josephus, who writes:Now among the many who were gathered together, there was found in Babylon a girl who had lost both parents and was being brought up in the home of her uncle (θεῖος), his name being Mordechai (Antiquities of the Jews, 9:198).[8]The same interpretation appears in Jerome’s Latin translation (the Vulgate), which says that Esther was the daughter of Mordechai’s brother (filiae fratris) in 2:7 and similarly refers to Avichayil, Esther’s father, as Mordechai’s brother (Abiahil fratris Mardochei). The Vulgate is the standard biblical text used by Catholics, and thus in the Catholic tradition Esther is described as Mordechai’s niece. As Josephus has not had the same effect on popular culture as the Vulgate, it seems likely that the Jewish sources that describe Mordechai as Esther’s uncle may have been influenced by the Catholic version of the biblical text, though they are probably not aware of this.Conclusion: Influence of Outside Sources
If in the case of Esther and Mordechai, the use of the Vulgate is unintentional (i.e., picked up unconsciously from the surrounding culture, perhaps as a consequence of the age disparity between them).Nevertheless, when we comb through rabbinic texts, we can see that many medieval rabbis (even some Ashkenazim) made use of “non-traditional” sources,[9] including the Septuagint, the Peshitta, the Apocrypha, and, yes, even the Vulgate.[End of quote]Delores Elliott from Courtenay, British Columbia wrote:Dear Rabbi,We are confused. Some Rabbis contend that Esther was Mordecai's wife and if she was, that raises a lot of legal questions and yet in Holy Scriptures we cannot find anything except that she was raised by him and that she was like his daughter! Help! Am I missing something here? Thank you so much. We enjoy your answers and have been collecting them in a notebook to refer back to for answers.
Dear Delores Elliott,The Book of Esther says, "And he adopted Haddasah, i.e., Esther...and when her mother and father died, Mordechai took her to him as a daughter." (Esther 2)There are three apparent snags in this verse. First, since the verse says that Mordechai "adopted Haddasah," why does it seem to repeat the fact that he "took her to him as a daughter?" Isn't that the same thing? Second, there is no legal status of "adoptive parent" in Judaism; that is, you raise an orphan girl in your home, but you don't "take her as a daughter." Finally and most notably, "took her to him" is always used in the Torah to refer to marriage.Literally, then, the verse is saying that he married her.Why does it use the term "daughter?" The terms "sister" and "daughter" are common expressions of endearment, as we see in other places in the Torah (e.g., Ruth 2:8, Shir Hashirim 4:9) and Talmud (e.g., Shabbat 13b). The idea is that a husband and wife should develop a loving and giving relationship as one naturally has with one's child and sibling.So, it's not hard to see how the Talmudic Sages saw in this verse support for the oral tradition that says Mordechai, Esther's cousin, was also her husband.
According to Rabbinic
traditions, the two lustful elders who accused Susanna were the same persons as two wicked judges referred to
and named by the prophet Jeremiah (29:21-23):
“This is
what the Lord Almighty, the God of Israel, says about Ahab
son of Kolaiah and Zedekiah son of Maaseiah, who are prophesying lies to you in
my name: ‘I will deliver them into the hands of Nebuchadnezzar king of Babylon,
and he will put them to death before your very eyes. Because of them, all the
exiles from Judah who are in Babylon will use this curse: ‘May the Lord treat you like Zedekiah and Ahab, whom the king of Babylon burned
in the fire.’ For they have done outrageous things in
Israel; they have committed adultery with their neighbors’ wives, and in my
name they have uttered lies—which I did not authorize. I know it and am a
witness to it,’ declares the Lord”.
The colourful account of Susanna and the two
elders is well summarised by Jennifer A. Glancy of the Jewish Women’s Archive: http://jwa.org/encyclopedia/article/susanna-apocrypha
Susanna: Apocrypha
The brief,
self-contained story of Susanna appears in Greek but
not Hebrew manuscripts of the Book of Daniel. Most modern editions of the Bible
include it among the Apocryphal/ Deuterocanonical Books as Daniel 13. Although
readers will respond to and remember most vividly Susanna and her predicament,
the story’s conclusion emphasizes Daniel’s emergence as a young figure of
wisdom. On account of this, some ancient Greek versions place the Book of
Susanna before Daniel 1.
The text first
introduces Joakim, a wealthy man living in the Babylonian diaspora (Greek for
“scattered abroad,” Jews who lived outside Palestine after the Babylonian exile
of 587 b.c.e.). Joakim, however, plays
a minimal role in the unfolding of the story.
Mackey’s Comment: My
earlier proposed identification of this Joakim with the great Mordecai:
Well-Respected
Mordecai. Part Two: As Joakim, Husband of Susanna
will serve to open up, as
this series progresses, some intriguing new possibilities.
Glancy continues with her
commentary:
Susanna’s introduction
defines her in terms of her relationships to two men, as wife of Joakim and
daughter of Hilkiah, and tells that she is beautiful and righteous and was
trained “according to the law of Moses” by her parents (vv. 2–3).
Joakim’s house
functions as a courthouse for the Jewish community. Two elders who serve there
as judges separately develop lustful feelings toward Susanna, whom they spy
walking in the garden when the house empties at midday for the community to go
to their own homes for lunch (vv. 8–12). One day the two elders catch each
other lingering behind in order to watch Susanna, and they conspire together to
entrap her (vv. 13–14).
On a hot day
Susanna decides to bathe in the garden (v. 15). She believes herself to be
alone with her maids because the elders have concealed themselves (v. i6). When
Susanna sends her maids away to bring ointments for her bath (vv. 17–18), the
elders reveal themselves and try to coerce her into sexual relations. They say
that, unless she lies with them, they will testify that she sent her maids away
in order to be with a young lover (vv. 19–21). Susanna’s dilemma is
this: to submit to the elders is to disobey the law of Moses, which she has
been raised to follow, but to resist the elders is to invite the death penalty
for adultery (Lev 20:10; Deut 22:22). She articulates her decision, “I choose
not to do it; I will fall into your hands, rather than sin in the sight of the
Lord” (v. 23). Susanna cries aloud, and so do the elders (v. 24). Their
shouting attracts members of the household (v. 26), specifically identified as
“servants,” who, when they hear the elders’ story, are “very much ashamed, for
nothing like this had ever been said about Susanna” (v. 27).
Susanna’s trial
occurs on the following day at her home, described as “the house of her husband
Joakim” (v. 28). Susanna comes before the two elders and the people,
accompanied by her parents, her children, and other unspecified relatives—her
husband is not mentioned (vv. 29–30). The lascivious elders ask that she be
unveiled so that they may continue to look at her (v. 32). Those who weep with
her weep at this disgrace (v. 33), which in Theodotion’s version amounts to an
unveiling of Susanna’s face. (The NRSV follows Theodotion, an alternate Greek
translation of the Hebrew Bible.) In the Septuagint version, Susanna is
stripped naked, in accordance with ritual Jewish law (Ezek 16:37–30; Hos
2:3–10). The elders proceed with their accusations (v. 34). They claim that
they saw Susanna in the garden, embracing a young lover whose strength enabled
him to elude them as they attempted to detain him; they further claim that
Susanna has refused to cooperate in naming the lover (vv. 36–41a). Because of
the credibility of the elders in the community, the assembly believes them and
condemns Susanna to death (v. 41b).
No one offers
testimony on Susanna’s behalf. She, however, turns to heaven for help, crying
aloud to God that she is innocent (vv. 42–43). The text records, “The Lord
heard her cry” (v. 44). Just as Susanna is being taken to her death, God stirs
“the holy spirit of a young lad named Daniel” (v. 45). Announcing that he
cannot be part of Susanna’s execution (v. 46), he asks the assembly for the
right to cross-examine the elders (vv. 47–49). Before the reassembled court,
Daniel separates the two elders and questions each about the location of the
lovers’ intimacies. The first elder identifies a mastic tree (v. 54) as the
site of the illicit coupling, and the second elder identifies an evergreen oak
(v. 58). Daniel thus reveals their deceit and the innocence of Susanna, “a
daughter of Judah,” a descendant of southern Judah (v. 57). The two elders are
then sentenced to the fate they intended for their victim: death (v. 62).
[End of quote]
According to R. Charles, as cited at:
… the first half of the story rests on a
tradition regarding two elders (Ahab and Zedekiah) who seduced certain women by
persuading them that they would thus become the mother of the Messiah. This
tradition has its origin probably in Jer 29:21-23, where it is said that Yahweh
would sorely punish Ahab and Zedekiah because they had "committed villany
in Israel," having "committed adultery with their neighbours' wives"
….
On the basis of all of the above, we may be
able to give names to Susanna’s ill-fated accusers:
Ahab and Zedekiah.
The German orientalist, Georg Heinrich August Ewald (d. 1875), had thought
that the account of the two lustful elders who were infatuated with Susanna must
have been inspired by a Babylonian tale involving the goddess of love and two
old men.
Once again, however, this
is a case of biblical historians and commentators presuming that a given
biblical story was inevitably dependent upon a pagan myth (or myths) of a
similar theme.
Ewald
(Geschichte(3), IV, 386) believed that [the story of Susanna] was suggested by
the Babylonian legend in which two old men are seduced by the goddess of love
(compare Koran 2 96). ….
Looking at this Koran
(Qur’ān) reference, 2:96, I find:
And you will surely find them
the most greedy of people for life - [even] more than those who associate
others with Allah . One of them wishes that he could be granted life a thousand
years, but it would not remove him in the least from the [coming] punishment
that he should be granted life. And Allah is Seeing of what they do.
Whilst I myself am unaware
of the Babylonian legend to which Ewald referred, I would find it very
intriguing if this Babylonian “goddess of love” was Ishtar herself - as I think
she must have been.
My reason for saying this
will become clear later, as I proceed to develop a wider identity for Susanna
in a biblical context.
Commentators
have picked up some striking likenesses between the story of Susanna
(in the
Book of Daniel) and the drama surrounding Queen Esther.
G.J. Steyn, for instance, has discovered some
“striking similarities” between, not only Susanna and Esther - of relevance to
this present series - but also including the Jewish heroine, Judith. Here I
take just two short portions from Steyn’s most insightful article (pp. 167-168)
http://www.repository.up.ac.za/bitstream/handle/2263/8985/Steyn_Beautiful(2008).pdf?sequ
“BEAUTIFUL BUT TOUGH”.
A COMPARISON OF LXX ESTHER, JUDITH AND SUSANNA”
FEARLESS IN THE FACE OF DEATH
- Esther requests that her people fast and pray three days and nights for her and then she will approach the king without being summoned by him – which is against the royal custom. If she then dies, she dies (4:16). Esther then uses her mightiest weapon, her beauty, as an instrument to save her people.
- Judith took a similar decision as Esther by going voluntarily into the presence of the very man who seeks to destroy her people. She went forth, out of the city gates and down the mountain (10:9-10). Her beauty gave her entry past the soldiers (10:14, 19, 23), right into the tent of Holofernes, the chief captain of the Assyrian army (10:17, 20-21). She stays three days in the camp (12:7) and beheaded Holofernes the fourth night, passing again by the Assyrian soldiers.
- Susanna knows very well that whatever her decision would be, she is destined to die (Sus 1:22). She “sighed” (… Sus 1:22) and “cried with a loud voice” (… Sus 1:24). She chose to turn down the advances of the two elders rather “than to sin in the sight of the Lord” (… Sus 1:23).
and:
TRUST IN GOD AND PRAYER
Esther approached God in her moments of fear and anxiety and
expressed her trust in God. This becomes clear from the contents of her prayer
in LXX Addition C (14:1-19): “… she prayed to the Lord God of Israel, and said:
O my Lord, you alone are our King. Help me in desolation – not having a helper,
but you. For my danger is in my hand (… 14:3-4); “You are righteous, O Lord!”
(… 14:7); “O King of the gods and of all powers” (… 14:12).
Judith confesses her trust in the Lord when she spoke to the
elders of the city … (Jud 8:20). Her trust in God surfaces again in her prayer
… (Jud 9:7-8).
Susanna too, approached God in her moment of fear on her way to be
executed. She prays to the “everlasting God” (… Sus 1:42) who knows all secrets
and who knows the false witness that was borne against her (Sus 1:42-43).
Having
previously (Part Four) touched briefly upon the similarities
between the story of Susanna (in the Book of Daniel) and the drama narrated in
the Book of Esther, I take matters a step further here, testing a possible
identification of Susanna with Esther.
Those “striking similarities” between Susanna
and Esther, previously noted, might lead one to consider whether there might
even be an actual identification of person here as well.
I seem to find solid arguments for and against
such a conclusion.
Joakim
The
connecting link between
the two dramas may be (if accurate) my identification of Joakim with the
great Mordecai:
Well-Respected
Mordecai. Part Two: As Joakim, Husband of Susanna
Such a connection, however, would also raise
some real queries with regard to Queen Esther.
She, generally considered to have been a
- beautiful (2:7)
- young
- virgin, (2:2)
- raised as a daughter by Mordecai (2:7), would now, all of a sudden, need to be significantly reconsidered as a, still
- beautiful, but
- not so young,
- married woman
- with kids (“her children”, 1:30 Sus. RSV).
Such an apparently unorthodox reconsideration
of the famous biblical queen is not, however, without its support (at least
regarding Esther’s marriage to Mordecai) in Aggadic tradition. According to,
for instance, Tamar Meir’s article “Esther: Midrash and Aggadah”, this
tradition “casts the Biblical narrative in a different light”: http://jwa.org/encyclopedia/article/esther-midrash-and-aggadah
The Babylonian tradition
maintains that Esther was Mordecai’s wife. Esth. 2:7 states: “Mordecai adopted
her as his own daughter [literally: took her le-vat],” which the midrash
understands as: Mordecai took her le-bayit, that is, as a wife (BT Megillah
loc. cit.). This exegesis casts the Biblical narrative in a different light.
Esther was taken to the royal harem despite her being married, which further
aggravated her sorry condition. This also leads to a different understanding of
Mordecai’s involvement, as he walks about in the royal courtyard out of concern
for his wife.
[End of quote]
There may have been some unusual situation
here.
And there was indeed, according to an article,
“Thematic
irony in the story of Susanna”
Ironic expressions in episode
one (vv. 1−14)
This first episode consists of
the introduction to Susanna (1−4), which includes the introduction of
her family, her husband and the two elders (5−6), as well as the emergence of
the conflict (7−14). In particular, it focuses on Susanna’s beauty and
godliness on the one hand and the elders’ wickedness on the other hand. In this
comparison lies the irony. The episode contains, as will be demonstrated
shortly, remarkable ironic words, expressions and incidents. Most of these
ironic utterances consist of the reversed use of social conventions.
The first ironic expression
concerns the relationship between Susanna and her husband, expressed by the
verb λαμβάνω [to take, to acquire] (cf. v. 2). There is no doubt that, in the
context of the ancient Jewish patriarchal society, this verb portrays a marital
relationship between husband and wife in terms of possessor and possession (Di
Lella 1984:332−334, 1995:39; see also Liddell & Scott 1996:1026; Delling
2000:5; Bauer et al. 2000:583). In this environment, λαμβάνω would
normally indicate the ascendancy of the husband over his wife and presupposes
the insertion of the woman in her husband’s family (Fuller 2001:339) and not
the contrary.
The use of λαμβάνω in this
case, however, seems to contradict these established patriarchal practices.
In actual fact, the
relationship between Susanna and her husband, as depicted in the story, does
entail the prominence of the woman. Firstly, according to the story, Jewish
identity is related to the practice of the Law of Moses, piety (Kanonge
2009a:381). It is strange that nothing is said about Joakim’s piety. Besides,
Susanna has a genealogy, or at least her father is named, but Joakim’s father
does not appear (Moore 1977:94). In Biblical traditions, ‘genealogies can
express social status, political power, economic strength, legal standing,
ownership …’ (Wilson 1979:19). To have no genealogy is to be less important in
a community. It seems, from this story and specifically from verse 63, that
Susanna is more important in the community than her husband. In fact, according
to the abovementioned verse (63), she is not inserted in her husband’s family,
but the contrary is assumed. According to Archer (Ilan 1993:55), women named
after their father were either ‘divorced or widowed’. This is not the case
here. Indeed, Susanna is being prioritised here at the expense of her husband.
It is remarkable that the normal familial order, as accepted in patriarchal
societies, is changed with the reading as follows: Σουσαννας μετὰ Ιωακιμ τοῦ ἀνδρὸς αὐτῆς [Susanna
with Joakim her husband]. This order is unusual in patriarchal traditions where
the husband is supposed to take the lead in everything. There is an overturned
use of social conventions.
….
Susanna,
living as she did during the Babylonian captivity of the Jews, would seem to
have been far too early for her - according to conventional estimations - to be
identifiable as Queen Esther, supposedly living deeply into Persian history.
My streamlined version of the Chaldean to
Medo-Persian history, though, as outlined in this series and developed elsewhere,
for example in:
Aligning
Neo-Babylonia with Book of Daniel. Part Two: Merging late neo-Assyrians with
Chaldeans
and
If
King Belshazzar made Daniel 3rd, who was 2nd?
has greatly shortened the chronological
distance between king Nebuchednezzar II ‘the Great’ and the Medo-Persians, with
Nebuchednezzar’s death occurring, now, only a handful of years before the
emergence of Darius the Mede - he, in turn, being my choice for the Book of
Esther’s great monarch:
King Ahasuerus
Darius the Mede was already an old man when he
came to the throne (Daniel 5:31): “So Darius the Mede received the kingdom at about the
age of sixty-two”.
He, I have identified with king Cyrus. See e.g.:
Was
Daniel Twice in the Lions' Den?
Any consideration of the age of Queen Esther -
which will be an issue in this present article - may need to factor in the age
of the Great King whom she married.
Although historical chronology is no longer a
major issue according to my revised context, the actual age of participants in
the drama - the young Daniel, and lovely Susanna in connection with Queen
Esther - will be. It has already been determined that Queen Esther, if she were
also Susanna, would have been a married woman with children of her own, and,
hence, not a virgin. That her husband was none other than Mordecai himself -
which comes as quite a surprise - is borne out, though, as we have learned, by
an Aggadic tradition.
Ages of
Daniel, Susanna (and Esther)
Taking the Vulgate Latin version of the story
of Susanna in the Book of Daniel, we find Daniel himself described as puer junior, which would appear to
indicate an extremely young male, and which is translated as “young boy”.
According to my Latin dictionary junior
equates with juvenis. Though this
description tends to indicate a male up to the age of 17, it is “frequently
used of older persons … 20th - 40th year”.
That gives us a lot more leeway in the case of
Daniel.
Say he was, as some estimate, 14-15 years of
age when taken into captivity, his intervention in the case of Susanna could
have occurred - in light of the above “20th-40th year” - as late as
approximately the 25th year of Nebuchednezzar II.
Susanna, with children, must have been, say, 20
at the time, and, if so, about 38 at the death of Nebuchednezzar. By about the
3rd year of Ahasuerus (Esther 1:3), when she - if as Esther - was
chosen, she would have been in her 40’s – likewise when married in the 7th
year (2:16).
King Ahasuerus would have been, by then (his 7th
year), nudging 70.
The Vulgate gives the females chosen for the
king as (Esther 2:3) puellas speciosas et
virgines.
The Septuagint Greek has, for the same verse, κοράσια (young
women) άφθορα, which can mean “unblemished”. When
Tamar (Themar) is called a “virgin” in the Greek II Kings 13:2, the word used
is a different one, “parthenos” (παρθένος).
Esther herself is never directly referred to as
a virgin. She is pulchra nimis et decora
facie (“exceedingly beautiful and becoming”).
In Esther 2:7, “Esther [is] … quoque inter
ceteras puellas”. The Latin word puella
(singular) may indicate married or not.
And in Esther 2:9, the short-list is now septem puellas speciosissimas (“seven
most beautiful women”).
The outstanding woman, Esther, had made an
early impression (2:8-9):
Esther
also was taken to the king’s palace and entrusted to Hegai, who had charge of
the harem. She pleased him and
won his favor. Immediately he provided her with her beauty treatments and
special food. He assigned to her seven female attendants selected from the
king’s palace and moved her and her attendants into the best place in the
harem.
Presumably eunuch Hegai’s action was prompt and
‘immediate’ because he had appreciated the true quality of Esther, and not
because - as necessitated in the case of the woman who went to the plastic
surgeon because she had a wrinkled face and crow’s feet (but came out with wrinkled
feet and a crow’s face) - she had lost her looks. Women in their 40’s can still
be beautiful.
Having accounted for the tricky matter of age,
those similarities between the story of Susanna and the Book of Esther that we
have already discussed - and those between Susanna and Esther - can now really
kick in.
In both cases we encounter a beautiful and
pious woman, a Jew (cf. Susanna 13:57; Esther 2:7), who had been taught the Law
by her parents (cf. Susanna 13:3; Esther 14:5), who, as we read previously,
trusted fully in the Lord, and was prepared to die rather than to compromise
herself.
My
conclusion in this series has been that the Susanna in Daniel became Queen
Esther. But this conclusion now presents
us with three names: Susanna,
Hadassah and Esther, since, as we are informed (Esther 2:7): “… Hadassah … was also known as Esther”.
Making Sense of the Names
There are a stream of similarities running
through the Story of Susanna and the Book of Esther.
The Story of Susanna commences (13:1):
“Now
there was a man that dwelt in Babylon, and his name was Joakim …”.
Whilst, according to Esther 2:5:
“Now there was in the citadel of Susa a Jew of the
tribe of Benjamin, named Mordecai …”.
In this series I have identified, as one, this
“Joakim” in Babylon with this
“Mordecai” in Susa.
The Babylonian (Chaldean) era had come and gone
and Joakim, now as Mordecai, lived under a Medo-Persian king, in Susa. The
great man had two names, the one Hebrew, Joakim (i.e., Yehoyaqim,יְהוֹיָקִם , “raised
by God”), and the other his given Babylonian name: “The Talmud (Menachot
64b and 65a) relates that his full name was "Mordechai Bilshan"
(which occurs in Ezra 2:2 and Nehemiah 7:7). Hoschander interpreted this as the
Babylonian marduk-bel-shunu meaning "Marduk is their lord",
"Mordecai" being thus a hypocorism”.
In the same way we can account for the name,
“Esther”, the foreign name given to our heroine in Babylonian captivity (as in
the Story of Susanna). The name is generally considered to derive from the
Mesopotamian goddess (of fertility, love, war, sex and power), Ishtar, the same
as the biblical Astarte. Previously, I had referred
to Ewald’s view that the account of the two lustful elders, who accused
Susanna, had its counterpart in a legend involving the Babylonian “goddess of
love”, who I presumed to be Ishtar. Thus I wrote:
Whilst I
myself am unaware of the Babylonian legend to which Ewald referred, I would
find it very intriguing if this Babylonian “goddess of love” was Ishtar herself
- as I think she must have been. My reason for saying this will become clear
later in this series, as I proceed to develop a wider identity for Susanna in a
biblical context.
My conclusion would be - unlike Ewald’s - that
the Babylonian legend had derived from the Story of Susanna. And this Susanna,
I have argued, became Queen Esther, whose name arose from the pagan “goddess of
love”, Ishtar.
Regarding the name, “Hadassah”, at least one
scholar, as I recall (though I no longer have the reference), had argued that
it was simply a Hebrew version of Esther. I think that that might be stretching
things, however. More likely, Hadassah was the woman’s Hebrew name, meaning
“myrtle (tree, sprig)” – just as Mordecai had an original Hebrew name before
his being given a Babylonian name as well.
That leaves us to account for the name
“Susanna”, literally meaning “lilly”.
One is reluctant to suggest that the woman had
two Hebrew names, Hadassah and Susanna.
A possibility, I think, is that Susanna might
be a name added retrospectively, and referring to the fact that Hadassah-Esther
had become, in the Medo-Persian period, the queen of Susa. Hence Susanna,
“She-of-Susa”. Again a hypocorism.
Susan is a
feminine given
name, from French Susanne, from Late Latin Susanna, from
Greek Sousanna, from Hebrew Šošanna, literally meaning "lily",[1] a term derived from Susa
(Persian: Šuš), a city in southwest Iran that was the ancient capital of
the Elamite
kingdom and Achaemenid
empire.[2]
Perhaps further strengthening my identification
of Susanna with Queen Esther (= Ishtar) may be the Babylonian “goddess of love”
legend, reminiscent of the account of the two elders, and the possible
reference, in the name, “Susanna”, to the capital city of Susa, where Esther
reigned.