Monday, July 22, 2019

Zeresh wife of Haman




 



 
by
 
Damien F. Mackey
 
 
 
 
“The Rabbis apply to Haman, who heeded his wife’s counsel, the verse (Prov. 10:1):
“a dull son is his mother’s sorrow.” Because he heeded her advice, he himself
was hanged on the gallows that he had prepared for Mordecai”.
 
Tamar Kadari
 
 
 
 
Haman, or Aman, was, as we have discovered (with assistance from Jewish legend), a former king of Judah, namely, Amon, who was, as further concluded, the exiled king Jehoiachin (Jeconiah or Coniah). Now, this king had “wives” (2 Kings 24:15): “And [Nebuchednezzar] carried away Jehoiachin to Babylon, and the king’s mother, and the king’s wives, and his officers, and the mighty of the land, those carried he into captivity from Jerusalem to Babylon”.
As Haman, he also had “ten sons” (Esther 9:10) – by one or more of his wives.
The however many “wives” of the king who went into captivity with him may, or may not, have perished by the time that (about four decades later) the king of Judah had been freed from prison by the son of Nebuchednezzar (Jeremiah 52:31): “In the thirty-seventh year of the exile of Jehoiachin king of Judah, in the year Awel-Marduk became king of Babylon, on the twenty-fifth day of the twelfth month, he released Jehoiachin king of Judah and freed him from prison”.
A handful of years later again (in the Medo-Persian era) he re-enters the scene as the conspiratorial Haman, having then only the one wife of whom we are told, Zeresh.
 
Emil G. Hirsch et al. tell of a tradition according to which Jehoiachin was allowed to have his wife with him in prison. The suggestion here that it was a “Queen Semiramis”, wife of Nebuchednezzar, who enabled for this to happen would be, though, an anachronism.
And entirely inaccurate, too, would be Jehoiachin’s ‘repentance’ in light of his being Haman: http://www.jewishencyclopedia.com/articles/8560-jehoiachin
 

JEHOIACHIN.

By: Emil G. Hirsch, Bernhard Pick, Solomon Schechter, Louis Ginzberg

 
…. Jehoiachin's sad experiences changed his nature entirely, and as he repented of the sins which he had committed as king he was pardoned by God, who revoked the decree to the effect that none of his descendants should ever become king (Jer. xxii. 30; Pesiḳ., ed. Buber, xxv. 163a, b); he even became the ancestor of the Messiah (Tan., Toledot, 20 [ed. Buber, i. 140]). It was especially his firmness in fulfilling the Law that restored him to God's favor. He was kept by Nebuchadnezzar in solitary confinement, and as he was therefore separated from his wife, the Sanhedrin, which had been expelled with him to Babylon, feared that at the death of this queen the house of David would become extinct.
They managed to gain the favor of Queen Semiramis, who induced Nebuchadnezzar to ameliorate the lot of the captive king by permitting his wife to share his prison. As he then manifested great self-control and obedience to the Law, God forgave him his sins (Lev. R. xix., end). Jehoiachin lived to see the death of his conqueror, Nebuchadnezzar, which brought him liberty; for within two days of his father's death Evil-merodach opened the prison in which Jehoiachin had languished for so many years.
[End of quote]
 
Tamar Kadari provides further midrashic insight into the situation, telling that Haman’s wife, Zeresh, was even more wicked than her husband. Included also in this colourful account is the tragic death of a daughter of the couple, which incident does not feature (at least explicitly) in the Esther narrative: https://jwa.org/encyclopedia/article/zeresh-midrash-and-aggadah
 

Zeresh: Midrash and Aggadah

 
The midrash portrays Zeresh as being even more wicked than her husband Haman (Midrash le-EstherOzar ha-Midrashim [ed. Eisenstein], p. 51). Wise women are celebrated in Proverbs (14:1): “The wisest of women builds her house,” while the end of this verse says of the wicked Zeresh: “but folly tears it down with its own hand” (Midrash Proverbs 14:1).
 
The Book of Esther relates that Haman, incensed after he saw that Mordecai did not prostrate himself before him, returned home to consult with his friends and his wife Zeresh. The midrash elaborates that Haman’s friends were his wife’s lovers and that Haman also had mistresses, for all idolaters are licentious (Midrash Panim Aherim [ed. Buber], version B, chapter 5).
 
In another midrashic account, Haman had 365 advisors, like the days of the year, but none could give him advice as good as that of his wife Zeresh. She told him: “If this man of whom you speak is of Jewish stock, you will not overcome him, but you must act wisely against him. If you were to drop him into a fiery furnace, Hananiah, Mishael, and Azariah were already dropped down there and they were saved. If you were to throw him into a lions’ den, Daniel was already thrown into a lions’ den and he emerged unscathed. If you were to put him in prison, Joseph was already incarcerated there and he left it. If you were to send him to the wilderness, Israel already were in the wilderness, they were fruitful and multiplied, they withstood all the tests, and they were saved.
If you were to blind him, Samson killed many Philistines when he was blind. But hang him on the gallows, for we have not found a single one of the Jews who was saved from hanging.”
 
Immediately (Esth. 5:14) “the proposal pleased Haman, and he had the gallows put up” (Esth. Rabbah 9:2; Midrash Abba Gurion [ed. Buber], chapter 5).
 
The Rabbis apply to Haman, who heeded his wife’s counsel, the verse (Prov. 10:1): “a dull son is his mother’s sorrow.” Because he heeded her advice, he himself was hanged on the gallows that he had prepared for Mordecai. The Rabbis ask why Haman was not successful in using his riches to save himself from the scaffold. They reply that the case of Haman teaches us that all of a wicked man’s riches will be of no avail when his downfall is at hand (Midrash Proverbs 10:1).
 
Haman’s downfall began when Ahasuerus ordered him to parade Mordecai on horseback through the streets of the city. According to the midrash, when Haman did so, their route led through a lane that went past Haman’s house. Haman’s daughter looked down from the roof and thought that the rider on horseback was her father and that Mordecai was leading him. She took a full chamber pot and emptied it on his head. Haman looked up; his daughter saw that this was her father, and in her great amazement and distress she fell from the roof to her death. Therefore it is said (Esth. 6:12): “Haman hurried home, his head covered in mourning”—he was “in mourning” over his daughter’s death and “his head was covered” with filth (BT Megillah 16a). This midrashic account accentuates Haman’s great shame in the eyes of his household and those of the entire kingdom. The daughter’s act symbolized what would befall her father. Haman sought to maltreat Mordecai, but in the end he harmed himself. The daughter’s fall from the roof was therefore a portent of her father’s imminent ruin.
 
Afterwards, Haman returned home to once again take counsel with Zeresh and his confidants. According to the midrash, they told him: If Mordecai is from one of the tribes of Israel, you will prevail over him, but if he is from the tribe of Judah, or of Benjamin, Ephraim or Manasseh, you will not overcome him. For it is written of Judah (Gen. 49:8): “Your hand shall be on the nape of your foes”; and it is said of Benjamin, Ephraim and Manasseh (Ps. 80:3): “at the head of Ephraim, Benjamin, and Manasseh! Rouse Your might and come to our help!” These tribes received a special blessing that they would triumph over their enemies; Mordecai is a Benjaminite, and therefore you cannot harm him. They also told him: The people of Israel are compared to the dust and the stars. When they descend, they descend to the dust; and when they rise, they rise to the stars. So now that Mordecai is in the ascent, you will no longer be able to harm him (BT Megillah 16a).
 
The Rabbis prescribe that on Purim everyone must say: “Cursed be Haman, cursed be his sons, cursed be Zeresh his wife,” thereby fulfilling Prov. 10:7: “But the name of the wicked rots” (Esth. Rabbah 10:9).
 
 

Tuesday, April 16, 2019

Some pointers towards a chronological revision


Esther Painting, 'Vashti Deposed' by Ernest Normand, 1890

 

by

 

Damien F. Mackey

 


 

 

 


A budding revisionist wrote to me:


….


It’s a joy to find your work. About seven months ago, I became very interested in chronological revisionism, first concerning the exodus from Egypt and conquest of Canaan, but then more radical revisionism so that the Egyptian civilization (and others) might postdate the Flood (around 2274 BC in my estimation). I’ve read the work of David Rohl and Peter James, who appear to be “soft revisionists”- reworking the chronology so that the exodus and conquest make good sense, and I’m starting to read Donovan Courville right now. The difficulty is that I, as a non-expert, have virtually no way of evaluating the merits of these respective chronologies, especially where they diverge (concerning whether the Old Kingdom ought to undergo a radical revision and concerning the dates of the Amarna period on).

Do you have any recommendations as to where I should begin, and what work I should read first?

 

Thanks much ….

 

To which I replied (modified and updated now):

 

….

I can well appreciate how perplexing you must find the whole thing to be. There is the conventional system of which one ought to have a solid grasp, and then there are all of those quite different revised systems, none fully agreeing.

 

Peter James and David Rohl have been important, inasmuch as they have corrected some of the mistakes made by Dr. I. Velikovsky (who was a pioneer).

Peter James’s Centuries of Darkness is a classic, and ought to be read.

But I would agree with you that their (Rohl’s and James’s) revisions are “soft”, floating precariously as they do halfway between Velikovsky and convention.

 

Martin Sieff is, to my thinking, the pick of the revisionists writing in that quite productive period of the mid-late 70’s and the 80’s. Amongst the following one will find some classics of his:

 

  • “Velikovsky: The Score of Success”, SIS Newsletter 1, April 1975
  • “Velikovsky: The Open Minded Approach”, SIS Newsletter 2, September 1975
  • “In Defence of the Revised Chronology”, Peter James & Martin Sieff, SIS Review v1 No. 1, January 1976
  • “Diana at Ephesus”, Martin Sieff assisted by Peter James, SIS Review v1 No. 2, Spring 1976
  • “Planets in the Bible: I — The Cosmology of Job”, SIS Review v1 No. 4, Spring 1977
  • “The Two Jehorams”, SIS Review v2 No. 3, Special Issue 1977/78
  • “Velikovsky and His Heroes”, SIS Review v5 No. 4, 1984
  • “The Bible Through a King James Filter”, SIS Workshop no. 1, March 1978
  • “Book Review”, SIS Workshop no. 4, February 1979
  • “The Father of the Gods?”, SIS Workshop vol.3 No.2, October 1980
  • “Voyager: Questions and Answers”, SIS Workshop vol.3 No. 3, January 1981
  • “The Hittites in Israel”, SIS Workshop vol.4 No.1, July 1981
  • “Assyria and the End of the Late Bronze Age”, SIS Workshop vol.4 No. 2, September 1981
  • “Limited Fusion” and “Anode-Stars”, SIS Workshop vol.4 No. 3, December 1981
  • “The Emerging Revision of Ancient History: Recent Research”, Velikovskian vol. 2 No. 1, 1994
  • “The History Of The Revisionist Debate: A Personal View”, Velikovskian vol. 3 No. 4, 1997
  • “The Road to Iron: 8th and 7th Century Metallurgy and the Decline of Egyptian Power”, Catastrophism & Ancient History, Volume IV, Part 2, July 1982
  • “Scarab in the Dust: Egypt in the Time of the Twenty-First Dynasty”, Catastrophism & Ancient History, Volume VII, Part 2, July 1985
  • “The Libyans in Egypt: Resolving the Third Intermediate Period”, Catastrophism & Ancient History, Volume VIII, Part 1, January 1986
  • “Assyrians, Sodom, and Red Herrings”, Catastrophism & Ancient History, Volume X, Part 1, January 1988
  • “The Oracle of Cadmus”, Catastrophism & Ancient History, Proceedings of the Second Seminar of Catastrophism and Ancient History (Held Dec 1983)) 1985
  • “The Chaldeans of Sumer”, Aeon vol.1 No. 2, Feb 1988
  • “The Hyksos Were Not Assyrians”, Aeon vol.1 No.4, Jul 1988
  • “Remembering Velikovsky”, Aeon vol.4 No. 2, Aug 1995
     
    Dr. Courville is very good, systematic, but rather heavy going. He, too, was a pioneer and stands in need of some modifications.
    But he will generally set you on quite a good path.

    There are some anchors that I personally would insist upon, and you will find these within my articles at Academia.edu
    To summarise some to these:
     
    Bringing early Egyptian history into line with the Bible, especially using the perceptive stratigraphy of Dr. John Osgood for the period of Abram (Abraham).
    See e.g. my article:
     
    Better archaeological model for Abraham
     
     
    Also, and most importantly, the Middle Bronze I people as the Exodus Israelites:
     
    The Bible Illuminates History and Philosophy. Part Seven: Middle Bronze I Israelites
     
     
     

Dr. Courville has missed the compelling link between Joseph of Egypt and the genius Vizier Imhotep. See my attempt to correct this in my series:

 

Moses – may be staring revisionists right in the face

 

beginning with Part One:

 


 

Velikovsky’s thesis that the United Kingdom of Israel and Egypt’s 18th dynasty were contemporaneous, with Hatshepsut as the Queen of Sheba and Thutmose III as the biblical Shishak.

See e.g. my articles (for Hatshepsut):

 


 


and (for Thutmose III):

 


 


 

Dr. Velikovsky’s vitally important connections of El Amarna’s kings of Amurru with biblical kings of Syria (in Ages in Chaos, I).


Peter James’s important correcting of El Amarna’s Abdi-hiba of Urusalim (Velikovsky’s king Jehoshaphat) to Jehoshaphat’s son, Jehoram, instead. See e.g. my series on this:

 


 


 

and:

 


 


 

Another certain thing, the conventional view of Ramses II as a contemporary of Moses is hopelessly wrong. See e.g. my articles:

 

The Exodus in need of a realistic time-frame

 


 

and:

 

New Revision for Ramses II

 


 

Highly important (at least I think), too, is the synchronisation of king Sennacherib’s loss of his massive Assyrian army in Israel at the time of the heroine Judith, and narrated in the Book of Judith. See e.g. my article:

 


 


 

 

I hope that this will be of some use to you ….

 

My best regards,

Damien.

 

 

 

 

 

 

Part Two: Supplementing Part One

 

 

 

Dr. John Osgood appears to have nailed the archaeological period for

the oppressor king, Cushan-rishathaim of Judges 3:8.

 


 

 

Patriarch Abram (Abraham), archaeologically, needs to be located to the stratigraphical era of the Late Chalcolithic/Early Bronze I, and not to Middle Bronze I (MBI) - as is generally thought - where he would displace the Exodus Israelites, the true MBI people of half a millennium later.

 

The best fit for the “new king” of Exodus 1:8, early in the life of Moses, is, I think, pharaoh Amenemhet (Amenemes) I, the founder of the Twelfth Dynasty (Middle Kingdom, so-called). See e.g. my article:

 

Twelfth Dynasty oppressed Israel

 


 

And see the following articles for the archaeology of:

 


 


 

Eglon's Jericho

 


 


 


 

Who was Hiel? For my preferred candidate see:

 

Hiel's Jericho. Part Two (a): Who was this “Hiel of Bethel”?

 


 

Dr. John Osgood appears to have nailed the archaeological period for the oppressor king, Cushan Rishathaim of Judges 3:8. See his important stratigraphical article on this:

 

The Times of the Judges—The Archaeology:


 


(b) Settlement and Apostasy


 


 

Regarding Egypt, the United Kingdom of Israel’s kings, Saul, David and Solomon synchronise with the early Eighteenth Dynasty, from Ahmose I down to Thutmose III.

Regarding Mesopotamia, David and Solomon were contemporaneous with Shamsi-Adad I of Assyria, Zimri-Lim of Mari, and Hammurabi of Babylon: See my series:

 

Hammurabi and Zimri-Lim as Contemporaries of Solomon

 

commencing with:

 


 

Most of these Mesopotamian and Syrian kings have biblical identities.

 

Dr. I. Velikovsky had re-located the era of the El Amarna (EA) correspondence (pharaohs Amenhotep III and IV) to the time of the Divided Kingdom of Israel, the time of Ben-Hadad I and Hazael of Syria, and King Ahab of Israel.

 

My choice for King Ahab in EA is Lab’ayu, ruler of northern Israel:

 

King Ahab in El Amarna

 


 

See same article for my identification of the only female EA correspondent, Baalat-neše, with the biblical Queen Jezebel.

 

I have long held the view that the:

 

Assyrian King Sargon II [was] Otherwise Known As Sennacherib

 


 

For a radical revision of the era of King Hezekiah of Judah - the time of King Sennacherib’s demise - down to the Babylonian Captivity, and on into the Medo-Persian period, see my article:

 


 


 

This revision of the later kings of Judah ought to be read in conjunction with my revision of the neo-Assyrian-Babylonian kings:

 

Aligning Neo Babylonia with Book of Daniel. Part One: Shortening the Chaldean Dynasty

 


 

and:

 

Aligning Neo-Babylonia with Book of Daniel. Part Two: Merging late neo-Assyrians with Chaldeans

 


 

 

 

 

Thursday, April 4, 2019

Well-respected Mordecai as Marduka?



Well-respected Mordecai
 
Part One: As ‘Marduka’?
 

 
by
 
Damien F. Mackey
 
 
 
“And Mordecai the Jew was next in rank to King Ahasuerus. He was a man held in respect among the Jews, esteemed by thousands of his brothers, a man who sought the good of his people and cared for the welfare of his entire race”.
 
Esther 10:3
 
 
 
With the assistance of a significantly revised Neo-Babylonian dynasty through to the early Medo-Persian period, I have been able historically to identify the King Belshazzar of Daniel 5 as King Evil-Merodach, son of Nebuchednezzar II ‘the Great’, and the un-named second ruler in Belshazzar’s kingdom as Jehoiachin (or Coniah), whom Evil-Merodach had exalted over the other princes in Babylon (2 Kings 25:27-30).
 
These are all historically verifiable kings.
 
Now, if Jehoiachin (Coniah) is also, as I have identified him:
 
Haman un-masked
 
 
then that leads us into the Book of Esther, and to Mordecai, who, with Queen Esther herself, would expose the machinations of Haman.
 
Is there any evidence that this Mordecai, too, was a real historical person?
 
There may be. David J. Clines, in his article “The Quest for the Historical Mordecai” (https://www.academia.edu/2454296/The_Quest_for_the_Historical_Mordecai), writes of one “Marduka” in Susa during the Persian period whom various scholars have considered as a possible candidate for Mordecai. I am interested here in what Clines writes about these various opinions, since Clines himself seems pre-disposed to dismiss the Book of Esther as merely “a romance”:
 
…. it appears to be necessary to insist that evidence for a Persian official at Susa named Marduka, if that is really what we have, is next to useless in any debate about a historical Mordecai. For if on other grounds it seems probable that the book of Esther is a romance and not a historical record, it is quite irrelevant to the larger question of the historicity of the writing to discover that one of its characters bears a name attested for a historical person. Fictitious characters usually do.
 
Clines tells of these other estimations of Marduka:
 
In the standard works, commentaries, encyclopaedias and monographs, wherever the historicity of the Book of Esther is discussed, there is usually to be found some reference to the possible extra-biblical evidence for Mordecai. Here is an extract from a typical encyclopaedia article in The Interpreter’s Dictionary of the Bible:
 
Reference must be made to a single undated cuneiform document from the Persian period, found at Borsippa, which refers to a certain Marduka who was a finance officer of some sort in the Persian court at Susa during the reign of Xerxes I. While a connection between such an individual and the Mordecai of the book of Esther is in no sense established, the possibility of such a historical event as is related in Esther cannot be dismissed out of hand. ….
 
Carey A. Moore, the author of the Anchor Bible commentary on Esther, is a little more positive about the implications of the reference to Marduka. This official, who ‘served as an accountant on an inspection tour from Susa’, could be, he suggests, ‘the biblical Mordecai because, in all likelihood, Mordecai was an official of the king prior to his being invested in [Est.] 8.2 with the powers previously conferred on Haman’. To Moore, ‘at first glance all of this seems rather persuasive, if not conclusive’. While he is indeed careful to point out the uncertainties that surround the identification of Marduka with Mordecai, he nevertheless concludes that
 
since the epigraphic evidence concerning Marduka certainly prevents us from categorically ruling out as pure fiction the Mordecai episodes in the Book of Esther, it is safest for us to conclude that the story of Mo[r]decai may very well have to it a kernel of truth. ….
 
Robert Gordis, rather more boldly, appears to have no reservations whatever about the identification of Mordecai with Marduka.
For him, the attestation of the names Marduka and Mrdk … is ‘the strongest support thus far for the historical character of the book’. …. He writes:
 
A Persian text dating from the last years of Darius I or the early years of Xerxes I mentions a government official in Susa named Marduka, who served as an inspector on an official tour … [T]he phrase yōšēb bĕša‘ar hammelekh, ‘sitting in the king’s gate,’ which is applied to Mordecai repeatedly in the book, indicates his role as a judge or a minor official in the Persian court before his elevation to the viziership.
 
The conclusion to be drawn is rather obvious:
 
That there were two officials with the same name at the same time in the same place is scarcely likely. ….
 
From Edwin M. Yamauchi we even gain the impression that the identification of Marduka with Mordecai has now become the consensus scholarly view:
 
Mardukâ is listed as a sipîr (‘an accountant’) who makes an inspection tour of Susa during the last years of Darius or early years of Xerxes. It is Ungnad’s conviction that ‘it is improbable that there were two Mardukas serving as high officials in Susa.’ He therefore concludes that this individual is none other than Esther’s uncle. This conclusion has been widely accepted. ….
 
Siegfried H. Horn concurs:
 
The result of this disco[c]very has been a more favorable attitude toward the historicity of the book of Esther in recent years, as attested by several Bible dictionaries and commentaries published during the last decade. ….
 
So secure is the identification of Mordecai with Marduka in his eyes that he can even invite us to reconstruct the personal history of Mordecai on the basis of what we know about Marduka:
 
It is quite obvious that Mordecai, before he became gatekeeper of the palace, must already have had a history of civil service in which he had proved himself to be a trusted official the trusted councillor of [t]he mighty satrap Uštannu, whom he accompanied on his official journeys.
 
Since my re-setting of Mordecai’s engagement with Haman has it occurring far earlier than the standard time for it, in the reign of “Xerxes” (C5th BC) - and nearer to the return from Captivity - it thus becomes necessary to demonstrate a compatible revised chronology of Marduka.